Towards full majority

BSP had defeated BJP in UP in the elections of 2004 and it was a pointer that it surely was moving in the direction that led to the throne of Lucknow. It gave Mayawati immense satisfaction when BJP got decimated in UP because she had declared that her primary goal was to destroy the communal BJP.
Samajwadi Party of Mulayam Singh was the next on the hit list of Mayawati. She wanted to teach a lesson to Samajwadi leader, her arch rival. In this task Sonia Gandhi was with her. Congress led UPA was in power at the centre. Sonia Gandhi hatred Mulayam Singh as much as Mayawati did. The common goal of the both was to throw Mulayam out of power.
Mulayam Singh and Amar Singh were also looking for a chance to take revenge on Sonia Gandhi and Mayawati. Congress got the chance first. After the elections UPA had come to power and it was in the process of forming government. SP offered to it outside support. Congress turned it down as it didn’t need any such support. When Amar Singh went to the party organised by Congress and its partners to celebrate victory he was turned away unceremoniously. It exposed the enmity between the Congress and SP.
UPA government and leaders tried every trick to destabilize Mulayam government and kept it ever on tenterhooks. The leaders connected to SP were subjected to various harassments. Amar Singh was the biggest sufferer.
As enemy of an enemy was a friend, so were Sonia Gandhi and Mayawati enjoying a friendly relationship. To make matters sweeter BSP offered outside support to UPA although it was never formally discussed or BSP became the part of UPA. It was pleasant to see Sonia and Maya together in Parliament or during air travels. They would sit close together and talk like gossipers.
Becoming friendly to Sonia Gandhi gained Mayawati another advantage. Taj Corridor case was put on freezer or on back burner. On the other hand Mulayam and his associates were facing the combined wrath of the ladies.

Mayawati with Sonia Gandhi

After getting reprieve from courts and CBI Mayawati set out on her political campaign in UP. She had decided to fight Maharashtra elections as well. The state was important because it had been home of Dr. Ambedkar and the battleground of Kanshiram.
Mayawati had reasonable hopes in Maharashtra. During 2004 Lok Sabha polls her Dalit base had ensured defeat of at least 8 Congress-NCP candidates in Vidarbha region mostly. The area had sizable population of scheduled castes and tribes. There BSP could not align with Congress as the later already aligned to local Dalit outfit RPI of Ram Athawale.
BSP decided to fight on 272 out of 282 in Maharashtra. Congress was not worried. All the damage would be done to NCP, it assumed. Shiv Sena-BJP thought presence of BSP would benefit them because it would cut into Dalit votes of Congress-NCP.
BSP fared badly. It could not win a single seat. Although it hurt NCP in many seats yet NCP-Congress managed to come back to power.
After 2004 failure in Maharashtra Mayawati concentrated her attention on UP where assembly polls were due for 2007. Although the election was far away yet Mayawati started drawing plans and working out her strategies. Satish Mishra decided to quit job and join Mayawati and her politics.
Now Mayawati wished to broaden its party base and attract other communities. Mishra suggested that it was time BSP opened its doors for Brahmins. In the past Brahmin led Congress had done a lot for scheduled tribes, castes and backwards for their upliftment. Now BSP could do it in reverse, by providing protection and patronage to Brahmins. BSP could gain the support of the traders who were tormented by mafia under the Mulayam rule. They needed a protector.
After a nod from Mayawati Satish Mishra organised Brahmin rallies all over the state on behalf of BSP. Through his original and moralistic thoughts he influenced Brahmins and made them see ray of hope in BSP and Mayawati. The Brahmin community threw enough hints that it was with Mayawati this time. It elated Mayawati and her party.
Then came the sad news. Her political mentor and founder of BSP, Kanshiram had passed away. The person who got her to the pinnacle of power was no more alive to see her progress in future and bigger achievements. Mayawati performed his last rites according to the Buddhist tradition as was willed by Kanshiram. 42 monks had been invited as rites demanded.
After performing the last rites of Kanshiram Mayawati again headed towards the political arena to fight further bouts. She was now trying to attract attention of all sections of the society. She was trying hard to convince Brahmins about her sincerity and win their support. A number of Brahmin rallies she attended and promised her audience the full protection and wellfare schemes for their exclusive benefit. She gave assurances and promises to trading community as well. A prominent Bania leader she admitted into BSP.
Some people made fun of this experiment of upper caste-lower caste mixture being cooked up by Mayawati and Satish Mishra. They said Brahmins and Dalit were like oil and water that don’t mix. But growing popularity of BSP’s Brahmin rallies worried Congress and BJP.
A BJP leader was so enraged that he said, “If Maya loves Brahmins so much why did she pull down the BJP government at centre and in UP?”
Another leader commented, “These Brahmin rallies are a farce. Very soon Dalits and Brahmins would realise Mayawati is using them for her own good.”
But impartial leaders and supporters praised this caste-mix experiment. Some even felt BSP was now so strong that it could provide protection to upper castes. The idea of this experiment was the brain child of Satish Mishra, adopted by Mayawati. The two worked hard to spread it at grass root level. Now BSP was on a very strong ground.

Mayawati being felicitated

Even before 2007 an opportunity presented itself in 2005 when this Dalit-Brahmin combo could be tested in electoral conditions. Three tier Panchayati Raj bodies were due for elections in 12 municipal corporations, 191 municipal committees and 414 panchayats. BSP surprised everyone by announcing it would support independents instead of fighting elections itself since assembly polls were due very close and party could not afford to waste energies and resources. When the results were out BJP led the tally followed by Congress and SP. But all parties claimed the winning independents were their supported candidates.
Mayawati claimed all the winners had benefited from the support of her party. In a press statement Mayawati blurted out some very unwise words as reported by a magazine in its November, 2006 issue—”I had asked my workers to put our votes towards Congress and BJP to defeat Samajwadi Party.” Later Mayawati said, “A section of Dalits that was angry with orthodox Muslims voted for BJP in retaliation.” She used some crude reference for traders to identify herself with basic Dalit constituency.

Blessing to a Minister

The uncharitable remarks or blurtings angered the Muslims and the traders. It evoked strong reactions. Mayawati had to withdraw her remarks but it left behind bad taste.
In 2007 Punjab assembly elections BSP again fared badly. It appeared a lost case in Punjab. Once BSP, used to be the third largest party there. Curiously it was surging up in UP as much it was sinking down in the home state of Kanshiram. BJP and Akali Dal together wrested Punjab from Congress, BJP also won Uttarakhand from Congress and then registered mayoral victories in UP. BJP thought it was on a comeback trail.
BJP leaders were confident of a good show in UP assembly elections. Even if they failed to get the majority on their own they would decide who and what kind of government UP will have. In a counter move Congress Party fielded Rahul Gandhi in the election campaign to the surprise of all. He was attracting huge crowds especially of the young people. Every party was trying its best to gain ascendency over others in UP. BJP was confident of returning to power on its Hindu vote bank. Congress was concentrating on youth power and attractive manner of young Rahul Gandhi and his popularity amongst the youth. BSP had been working hard with new strategies to make a good show in this election. Only Mulayam Singh Yadav was worried. He was fighting incumbency factor and very bad law and order record. He could sense the increasing influence of BSP at ground level. Year after year BSP had been bettering its position. Mulayam Singh faced the greatest danger from BSP, which meant Mayawati.
This time Election Commission was very strict about fair elections. No strong arm tactics was going to work. Mulayam complained that the electoral officials were driving away his voters. Mayawati congratulated the officers for being strict against goons and ensuring fair voting. Adequate security was provided to Dalits and other weaker sections.
The elections were held in seven phases to ensure free and fair elections. Because of this Samajwadi Party could not use its muscle power to intimidate rival voters as it was used to. Dalit voters came out to vote in large numbers without any fear. The prospects were not good for Samajwadi Party. Mulayam Singh feared the loss of power and the possibility of Mayawati coming back to power with the support of Congress. There would be trouble for SP and its leaders if Mayawati came to power.
In exit polls it became clear that BSP was in the lead followed by SP. Mulayam Singh was still hopeful that if BJP held its ground he could stay in power with latter’s support.
For BSP 2007 UP elections were crucial. It had worked strategies years in advance and done ground work. Mayawati and Satish Mishra had put in a lot of sweat and toil. Unlike other parties BSP had campaigned for years. A police officer admitted that BSP rallies were well organised and proved little problem for law officers. A discipline was there visible to all. The rallies of other parties were chaotic, a real headache for police.
Mayawati had worked out a formula for the cooperation between upper castes and lower castes instead of confrontation. It was a positive sign. In place of suspicion there was a spirit of no trust between various classes, sections and castes. It could reap benefits for Mayawati in future. Brahmins were fed up with the arrogance of the Thakurs and Yadavas. They sided with Mayawati.
There was a general feeling that only Mayawati could deliver UP from the misrule of Mulayam Singh Yadav.
A lot of upper castes thought the experiment of BSP with caste mix deserved a chance because there were a lot of positiveness and good possibilities. Many Muslims also felt Mayawati could prove better than Mulayam for them. If other sections and castes could trust Mayawati why not Muslims?
The campaign of BSP was better organised and very disciplined. The crowds were very enthusiastic and responsive. They were real grassroot people and serious voters. BSP rallies were no filmstar tamashas.
It appeared BSP would garner the votes of Brahmins, traders and Muslims as well besides its Dalit votes and backward classes support.
Some people asked Dalits—was not Mayawati betraying them by joining hands with upper castes? Answer was a smile and emphatic ‘No’. Bahenji could never betray them.
The voting took place and the results surprised everyone. Pollsters were stunned and the political commentators dumb founded. The number of seats won by BSP was beyond anyone’s imagination. It had win 206 seats. SP got only 97 and BJP was a bad third with 50 seats. The Congress did not improve its tally. But the interest generated by Rahul Gandhi amongst youth was unprecedented and could prove asset for future to revive the party fortune. It did prove so. In 2009 Lok Sabha elections SP, BSP and Congress ran neck and neck and ended up within 1 or 2 seats to each other.
In the assembly polls SP although won fewer seats yet it marginally improved its vote percentage. That was remarkable or nearly incredible as the party had gone to polls with battered image.
UPA was ruling at centre with no place for SP and at Lucknow Mayawati was all set to assume power.
The nightmare of Mulayam Singh came true on May 13, 2007 when Mayawati recaptured the throne of Lucknow pushing aside SP, BJP and Congress. She had become CM a record fourth time which proved that her earlier terms were no fluke. She was a genuine battler and victor.
For the first time in the last 15 years a party had gained majority on its own. BSP had surprised everyone. Earlier opinion was that BSP could come to power but it would need Congress support. Out of the 206 BSP victors 62 were Dalits, 51 Brahmins, 51 other backwards classes and 24 Muslims plus 18 Thakurs.

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